The March to Nepal: Bhutanese Refugee Routes and Journeys

Between 1990 and 1993, more than 100,000 Lhotshampa expelled from southern Bhutan undertook journeys of hundreds of kilometers through Indian territory to reach refugee camps in southeastern Nepal. These journeys — by foot, bus, truck, and sometimes by river — rank among the largest forced migrations in modern South Asian history. The refugees traveled through the Indian states of West Bengal and Assam, carrying what possessions they could manage, with no legal status, no transit documents, and no assistance from any government. The conditions of these journeys, and the suffering endured along the way, are a central part of the Bhutanese refugee experience.

The Departure from Bhutan

The Lhotshampa left Bhutan under a range of coercive circumstances. Some were physically forced out by Royal Bhutan Army and police units during house-to-house eviction operations. Others fled after receiving threats, witnessing the arrest or beating of neighbors, or learning that their names appeared on lists for expulsion. Still others were driven out by the cumulative pressure of the denationalization campaign: loss of citizenship documents, termination from government employment, removal of children from schools, confiscation of land, and denial of access to healthcare and markets.

Regardless of the specific trigger, the process followed a common pattern. Families were given little or no time to prepare. Those forced to sign "voluntary migration forms" were typically ordered to leave within days. Many departed with only the clothes they wore and whatever they could carry in bundles or on their backs. Elderly family members, small children, pregnant women, and persons with disabilities had to be supported by others throughout the journey.¹

Routes Through India

Bhutan and Nepal do not share a border. The two countries are separated by Indian territory — specifically, the narrow "chicken neck" corridor of northern West Bengal and the plains of western Assam. All Bhutanese refugees heading to Nepal had to cross through India.

The primary routes were:

• Southern route via Phuntsholing–Jaigaon: Refugees from the western and central southern districts (Samtse, Chukha, Dagana, Tsirang, and Sarpang) crossed into India at the border town of Phuntsholing/Jaigaon, the main Bhutan-India crossing point. From Jaigaon, they traveled westward through the Siliguri corridor in northern West Bengal, passing through or near Siliguri, and then onward to the Nepal border crossings at Kakarbhitta or Panitanki/Naxalbari. The distance from Phuntsholing to the Nepal border is approximately 200–250 kilometers.
• Eastern route via Samdrup Jongkhar–Darranga: Refugees from the eastern districts (Samdrup Jongkhar, Pemagatshel) crossed into India at Samdrup Jongkhar/Darranga in Assam. They then traveled westward across the breadth of northern West Bengal — a journey of approximately 400–500 kilometers — before reaching the Nepal border. This route was longer and more difficult, passing through areas where refugees had no community contacts and were more vulnerable to exploitation.
• Other crossing points: Smaller numbers crossed at Gelephu/Daifam (central southern border) and other minor border points, converging on the main routes through northern West Bengal.

Conditions of the Journey

The journey from Bhutan to the Nepal border typically took between one and three weeks, depending on the route, the resources available to the family, and the obstacles encountered. Conditions were harsh throughout.

Travel: Some refugees had enough money to purchase bus or truck tickets for portions of the route. Many walked the entire distance, carrying children and possessions. Families traveled in groups for safety, with columns of refugees numbering in the hundreds visible along roads in northern West Bengal during the peak exodus months of 1992. Trucks hired by refugee groups were often overcrowded, with dozens of people crammed into open cargo beds for journeys of many hours over rough roads.

Shelter and food: Refugees slept in fields, under trees, on river banks, and in the open air along the roadside. Some received ad hoc assistance from sympathetic Indian villagers, particularly ethnic Nepali communities in the Siliguri corridor who shared linguistic and cultural ties with the Lhotshampa. Others went days without adequate food or clean water. Dehydration and dysentery were common, particularly among children and the elderly.

Robbery and exploitation: Refugees carrying valuables — jewelry, cash, or anything of worth — were frequent targets for robbery by bandits along the route. Women traveling in small groups or without male relatives were particularly vulnerable to assault and sexual violence. Some truck drivers and local operators charged exorbitant fees to transport refugees, exploiting their desperation.²

Health: The physical toll of the journey was severe. Refugees walked for days with inadequate food, water, and rest. Children and elderly persons developed fevers, respiratory infections, and gastrointestinal illnesses. Pregnant women gave birth along the route without medical assistance. Some refugees, particularly elderly and infirm individuals, died during the journey. There is no comprehensive count of deaths en route, as no organization was monitoring the transit routes in real time.

India's Role

India's position throughout the refugee crisis was one of deliberate non-involvement. The Indian government did not grant the Bhutanese refugees asylum, refugee status, or any form of legal recognition as they transited Indian territory. It did not establish transit camps, provide food or medical assistance, or facilitate safe passage. At the same time, India did not actively block the refugees' movement — it simply allowed them to pass through as if they were invisible.

This policy of studied indifference reflected India's strategic interests. Bhutan was (and remains) a close Indian ally and a buffer state between India and China. India had no interest in antagonizing the Bhutanese government by aiding the refugees or publicly acknowledging the circumstances of their expulsion. India's refusal to play any mediating role in the crisis — despite being the geographic link between the two countries and the transit territory for all refugees — was a critical factor in the failure of all subsequent diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis.³

Some refugees, particularly those from the eastern districts, settled temporarily or permanently in Indian states rather than continuing to Nepal. Small Bhutanese refugee communities formed in parts of Assam, West Bengal, and other northeastern states. These communities received no recognition or assistance from the Indian government and remained in legal limbo for decades.

Arrival in Nepal

Refugees crossed into Nepal primarily at the border town of Kakarbhitta in the Jhapa district. In the early stages of the crisis (1991), small groups arrived and were informally accommodated by local Nepali communities. As the numbers grew into the tens of thousands through 1992, the Nepalese government, in coordination with UNHCR, established formal refugee camps in the Jhapa and Morang districts. The seven camps — Beldangi I, Beldangi II, Beldangi II Extension, Goldhap, Khudunabari, Sanischare, and Timai — would become home to over 107,000 Bhutanese refugees at their peak.⁴

Upon arrival, refugees were registered by UNHCR and provided with basic shelter (bamboo and plastic sheeting huts), food rations, and access to rudimentary health services. Many arrived in extremely poor physical condition — malnourished, dehydrated, ill, and bearing the physical and psychological injuries of the violence they had experienced in Bhutan and the hardships of the journey. For these refugees, arrival in Nepal represented safety, but it was the beginning of what would become decades of displacement.

The Journey in Refugee Memory

The march from Bhutan to Nepal occupies a central place in the collective memory of the Bhutanese refugee community. Oral histories collected in the camps and in resettlement countries consistently describe the journey as a formative trauma — the moment when the loss of homeland became physically real. Families recall specific details: a grandmother too ill to walk who was carried on a son's back for days, a child born on the roadside near Siliguri, a father who went to buy food and never returned, the moment of crossing the border into Nepal and realizing there was no going back. These accounts, preserved in the community's oral tradition, constitute an essential historical record of the human cost of Bhutan's ethnic cleansing.

References

1. Amnesty International. "Bhutan: Forcible Exile." ASA 14/04/94, August 1994. https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa14/004/1994/en/
2. Human Rights Watch. "Last Hope: The Need for Durable Solutions for Bhutanese Refugees in Nepal and India." 2007. https://www.hrw.org/report/2007/05/16/last-hope/need-durable-solutions-bhutanese-refugees-nepal-and-india
3. WRITENET / Refworld. "The Exodus of Ethnic Nepalis from Southern Bhutan." 1995. https://www.refworld.org/reference/countryrep/writenet/1995/en/33123
4. UNHCR. "Bhutanese Refugees in Nepal." https://www.unhcr.org/nepal
5. Hutt, Michael. Unbecoming Citizens: Culture, Nationhood, and the Flight of Refugees from Bhutan. Oxford University Press, 2003.